Canonical murder 1: LHR vol.2. The Reports before the Myth

 Canonical murder 1_Lake Herman Road vol_2_The Reports Before the Myth

Before Lake Herman Road became “the first canonical Zodiac crime,” it was a double homicide investigation.

Before Zodiac was a name, there were reports [1].

Before the ciphers, the crosshair, the costume, the shirt pieces, the phone calls, and the later mythology, there was a rural road east of Vallejo, a 1961 Rambler station wagon, two dead teenagers, .22 casings, passing headlights, uncertain clocks, ranch witnesses, workers, rumors, and investigators trying to understand what had happened in a narrow dark interval on the night of December 20, 1968.

This second volume begins with that record.

It does not begin with suspects. It does not begin with forum reconstructions. It does not begin with the later Zodiac letters. It begins with the original police material: the Benicia Police Department report, the Solano County Sheriff’s Office reports, the witness statements, the scene sketches, the evidence records, the California Department of Justice / CII laboratory report, and the public appeals that followed.

The reason is simple: Lake Herman Road has been argued about for decades because the reports do not give us a clean solved story. They give us something more difficult and more valuable.

They give us a structured field of uncertainty.

That phrase is central.

The Lake Herman Road reports do not present an empty scene. They present an overdetermined scene. They show a road that was rural but active, secluded but witnessed, dark but traversed, socially known but evidentially unstable. The reports contain official conclusions, physical evidence, witness timing, family chronology, school-social leads, vehicle sightings, hunting parties, construction movement, refinery-worker routes, and press-facing appeals. These layers do not all resolve into one smooth narrative. They rub against one another.

That friction is the case.

1. The official frame: no apparent motive, no ordinary crime

The early official frame is stark.

The reports describe the murder of David Arthur Faraday and Betty Lou Jensen on Lake Herman Road near the entrance to the Benicia Water Pumping Station. The language of the reports does not treat the location merely as a generic lovers’ lane. It repeatedly anchors the scene to the pumping-station entrance. That phrase matters because it places the first canonical scene inside a water-infrastructure geography from the start.

The first official reading also emphasizes what the crime did not appear to be.

It was not robbery in the ordinary sense. It was not a sexual assault. It was not a murder-suicide. There was no immediate apparent motive. The victims were not found as part of a domestic scene, a household dispute, a bar fight, or a theft. They were found in a car-and-road scene: a teenage couple interrupted outside Vallejo, near water infrastructure, in a corridor used by ranchers, workers, hunters, and youth.

That absence of ordinary motive is not proof of Zodiac authorship by itself. But it explains why the crime became so vulnerable to later mythologizing. The motive vacuum is not empty. It attracts interpretation.

The police had to build the event backward from what remained: the Rambler, the bodies, the casings, the road, the witness statements, and the clocks.

This is where the reports become more than paperwork. They become the first architecture of meaning.

2. The police did not call it nowhere

The phrase that should govern any serious reading of the scene is this:

Entrance to Benicia Water Pumping Station.

That language appears in the official record and should permanently correct the lazy shorthand of “remote lovers’ lane.”

Lake Herman Road was remote enough for an attack, but it was not nowhere. The crime scene sat at an infrastructural access point. It was near ranch properties, the Lake Herman water system, a road network feeding toward Vallejo and Benicia, and a wider industrial landscape that included Humble Oil, PG&E, pipeline work, the former Arsenal district, and refinery-era transformation.

The reports themselves support this correction.

They bring in the pump station, ranch gates, road slopes, fence lines, vehicle turnouts, and the entrance geometry. The scene sketches are not decorative. They show that the murder took place in a shaped space: road, turnout, bank, fence, station-wagon position, body position, casing position, and line of travel.

This is the first major lesson of the police reports:

Lake Herman Road was secluded, but it was structured.

That distinction is significant.

A secluded place gives a killer privacy.

A structured place gives him timing.

3. The scene was not static

One of the recurring problems in Lake Herman Road research is whether the scene should be imagined as static or moving.

The simplified version is easy to picture: David Faraday parks in the turnout; the killer arrives; the attack happens; the bodies are discovered. But the reports complicate that picture. Witnesses describe the Rambler, the turnout, other vehicles, and possible occupants in ways that do not always harmonize perfectly. The car’s position, visibility, orientation, and relationship to other vehicles become part of the evidentiary problem.

This does not mean every discrepancy must be turned into a grand hidden design. It also does not mean every discrepancy should be dismissed as ordinary witness error.

The reports preserve a field of movement.

The Rambler may have been seen at different moments under different conditions. Witnesses may have viewed it from different directions, speeds, and angles. Some saw occupants; some did not. Some saw another vehicle; some did not. Some remembered approximate times; others had clocks later corrected. Darkness, headlights, road curvature, expectation, and stress all mattered.

This is why the LHR file resists a single clean diagram.

It is not only a crime scene. It is a moving road record.

The correct method is not to force all accounts into one elegant theory. Nor is it to break every account into unrelated fragments. The correct method is to preserve the structured uncertainty: who saw what, when they claimed to see it, what was corrected, what was inferred, and what remains unproven.

The reports do not simply document a fixed scene.

They document an impasse [2].

4. The witness clock: Axe, Your, Owen, Borges

The most important feature of the police reports is the witness clock.

The witness clock is not one clock. It is a chain of clocks, memories, vehicle movements, estimates, and corrections. It is composed of people who passed through or near the scene before, during, and after the fatal interval.

The key names are familiar to anyone who has studied Lake Herman Road:

Helen Axe.

Peggie and Homer Your.

James Owen.

Stella Borges - Medeiros.

Each witness is important. Each is also limited. That is why the case remains unstable.

Helen Axe appears in the early pre-fatal timeline. She reported seeing the Rambler and the victims at approximately 10:15 p.m., but the reports preserve conflict or uncertainty involving car position and vehicle identification. That does not make her useless. It makes her historically important and evidentially delicate. She belongs to the early witness frame, but she cannot be made to carry more certainty than the report gives her.

Peggie and Homer Your are central because they bring the infrastructure back into the witness sequence. Their statements place them in the Lake Herman area because of pipe or construction-related work. They were not simply random passersby. They were tied to the very site-ecology that Vol. 1 called “an infrastructure wound in rural form.” Peggie Your’s statements introduce the Rambler, the pump-station turnoff, the red pickup, flashlight/hunter details, possible gun observations, construction-equipment movement, and a later observation near the Humble Oil entrance.

James Owen is the great hinge.

He was traveling through the Humble Oil work corridor and passed the scene shortly before discovery. His statements are crucial because he saw two cars near the turnout, later reported a possible shot after passing, and became the focus of intense timing analysis because of the clock correction that placed him near the scene around 11:15 p.m. Owen’s account creates the central problem of Lake Herman Road: if he saw the Rambler and another vehicle, and if the murders occurred shortly thereafter, then the killer’s opportunity window becomes extremely narrow.

Stella Borges - Medeiros is the discovery witness. Her account brings the scene from uncertainty into public emergency. She encountered the bodies and drove to report the crime. Her statement is also important because she reported a road that, during her passage, did not appear crowded with obvious fleeing traffic. She becomes the witness who closes the fatal interval.

Together, these witnesses form the spine:

Axe → Your → Owen → Borges.

This is the clock of Lake Herman Road.

But it is not a perfect clock. It is a human clock.

That means Vol. 2 must treat it with discipline. The purpose is not to force all witnesses into one flawless sequence. The purpose is to show where the sequence is strong, where it is approximate, where it conflicts, and where it leaves room for multiple reconstructions.

The reports do not give us certainty. They give us pressure.

5. The six-minute window

The “six-minute window” is one of the most famous and most contested features of the Lake Herman Road case.

In simplified form, the argument is that the relevant witness sequence compresses the fatal action into an extremely short period between James Owen’s passage and Stella Borges-Medeiros’ discovery/reporting. The reports’ facts/mileage/timeline material and later clock corrections sharpen this problem.

This has led to decades of dispute.

Could one offender have arrived, controlled the victims, fired the shots, and escaped within that interval?

Was the second car Owen saw the killer’s car?

Were the victims still alive when Owen passed?

Did Owen hear one of the shots?

Was the Rambler’s door already open?

Could the killer or victims have been out of sight?

Did the witness clocks align closely enough to support a minute-by-minute reconstruction?

Was the fatal window actually wider than the most compressed version suggests?

These questions matter. But the mistake is to treat the six-minute window as if it must either solve everything or collapse entirely.

The better reading is this:

The six-minute window is not a final answer. It is a stress test.

It tests every reconstruction of Lake Herman Road. Any proposed theory must pass through it. Any suspect model, vehicle model, two-car model, hunter model, local-jealousy model, Zodiac model, or infrastructure-corridor model must explain how the offender entered and exited the scene inside the witness logic preserved by the reports.

The six-minute window is therefore a method, not a slogan.

It forces the researcher to ask:

What is the latest plausible moment the victims were known alive?

What is the earliest plausible moment they were found dead?

Which clocks were corrected?

Which witness statements were estimates?

Which sightings may refer to different vehicles?

Which observations were made in darkness, movement, or stress?

Which details are police-record facts, and which are later interpretations?

This is why public disputes over the LHR timeline can become so heated. The window is narrow enough to feel decisive, but uncertain enough to remain contested.

That is exactly why the reports must lead.

6. The vehicle field

The reports are full of cars.

The Rambler is the central vehicle, but it is not the only vehicle. There are reports of a second car near the Rambler, a white Impala, a red pickup with wooden sideboards, a dark car near the Humble Oil entrance, a possible blue or foreign car, a sports-car incident earlier in the evening, and other vehicles moving through the Lake Herman / Columbus Parkway / Blue Rock Springs road network.

This is one of the most important corrections to the popular image of the scene.

Lake Herman Road was not a stage with one parked car and one killer floating in from nowhere. It was a road environment where vehicles were noticed, misremembered, followed, corrected, argued about, and later turned into public research battles.

The white Impala has become one of the most contested vehicles in the public discourse. The Connelly/Gasser/Wesner material, the Helen Axe sighting, and later reconstructions have made it a magnet for competing theories. Some researchers have tried to treat it as the killer’s vehicle. Others have rejected that reconstruction. Still others use it as evidence of how easily separate sightings may have been conflated.

The reports allow caution but not dismissal.

They show that vehicles were present in the broader time window. They show that witnesses noticed vehicles near the pump-station area and ranch roads. They show that darkness, distance, headlights, movement, and later memory all complicate identification. They also show that law enforcement did not have one clean vehicle answer.

The vehicle field is therefore not a solved list. It is an uncertainty map.

The same applies to the red pickup. In the reports it belongs to the ranch/hunter layer, especially the Connelly/Gasser material and the movement around Marshall Ranch and Gasser Ranch. It does not automatically become the killer’s vehicle. But it proves that the area was not empty of armed, mobile, nighttime rural actors.

The long dark car near Humble Oil adds another kind of detail: industrial-road nocturnal texture. It belongs not to the lover’s lane cliché but to the shift-worker and refinery edge-world.

The sports-car episode around 9:30 p.m., preserved in the press and connected to police material, matters because it shows the pump-station area was active before the fatal window. A young couple or youth-related vehicle incident occurred earlier, involving a car backing or moving toward another vehicle. This does not make that episode the murder. It makes it part of the night’s pre-crime road ecology.

The reports do not give one vehicle.

They give a field of vehicles.

That field is one reason Lake Herman Road has never stopped generating reconstructions.

7. Consolidation and separation

The public debate over Lake Herman Road often turns on one methodological question:

Should the witness sightings be consolidated or separated?

One approach tries to reduce the number of unexplained vehicles and incidents. It asks whether the light-colored car, the white Impala, the later vehicle near the Rambler, the Columbus Parkway sighting, and other reports may represent one offender movement seen at different points. This approach has the advantage of reducing coincidence. It recognizes that too many unaccounted-for vehicles near a murder scene can itself become suspicious.

But consolidation carries a danger. If every loose vehicle, every discrepant time, and every absent driver is drawn into one hidden design, ambiguity stops being evidence and becomes architecture.

The opposite approach separates the sightings. It treats witness discrepancies as evidence that different people saw different things at different times. This has the advantage of respecting the limits of the documents. It resists turning every fragment into one master theory.

But separation also carries a danger. If every sighting becomes unrelated, the road fills with apparitions: vehicles appear, matter intensely for a moment, and then vanish from the reconstruction without consequence.

CHS does not begin by choosing between consolidation and separation.

It begins with the reports.

The task is to ask, for each sighting: what does the document actually say, how close is it to the fatal window, what is the source tier, what is the witness condition, what was later corrected, and what level of inference is required to connect it to another sighting?

That is the discipline.

Public discourse identifies pressure points. Police and DOJ documents decide evidentiary weight.

8. Ranch road, hunter road, worker road

The reports also show that Lake Herman Road belonged to multiple overlapping populations.

It was a youth road.

It was a ranch road.

It was a hunter road.

It was a worker road.

It was an infrastructure road.

The Borges, Gasser, Marshall, and related ranch references place the crime in a rural-property world. People tended animals. People knew gates. People knew whose land was whose. People drove in and out for reasons that had nothing to do with teenagers.

The raccoon hunters and rifle material add another layer. Firearms in the area were not inherently suspicious because hunting and ranch activity existed. But that also means a .22-type shooting could be partially masked by the broader acceptability of guns in the landscape. This is not proof of any hunter’s involvement. It is environmental context.

The worker-road layer is equally important.

Humble Oil appears through Owen and the broader industrial context. The Your statements bring pipe or construction work into the immediate area. Later infrastructure research brings in the Humble Oil refinery build-out, PG&E, contractor work, and the former Benicia Arsenal conversion. The police reports alone do not prove the full Corridor of Power thesis, but they do show that industrial and construction movement was not external to the murder scene. It passed through it.

This is why Vol. 1’s phrase remains useful: an infrastructure wound in rural form.

Vol. 2 shows the wound in the reports.

9. The local social-motive field

Before Zodiac was a public name, police had to investigate the possibility that the motive was local.

This is why the Ricky Burton material matters.

The reports document that investigators explored a school-social and jealousy-related theory. Betty Lou Jensen had known Ricky Burton. Friends and family gave statements. Melodie Jobe reported that Betty Lou had been afraid. A note or school-related item was investigated. Ricky was questioned. His family and others provided an alibi framework involving the household, visitors, and the television program A Global Affair with Bob Hope.

This material must be handled carefully.

It does not prove Ricky Burton killed anyone. It does not make him Zodiac. It should not be used to smear a juvenile whose name entered the reports because police were doing what police had to do: testing plausible local motives in the immediate aftermath of a double homicide.

But the material is still important.

It shows the first interpretive frame before Zodiac: jealousy, threat, suitor, school conflict, local youth drama. That frame was picked up by the press almost immediately. Headlines and articles suggested a possible jealousy motive or rejected-suitor angle. The press did not invent the social field from nothing; it drew from real investigative activity. But media framing is not the same as evidentiary conclusion.

The right formulation is:

The reports establish a local social-motive investigation. They do not establish a local social-motive solution.

This distinction protects both the research and the people named in the reports.

The school-social field also reveals something broader: Betty Lou Jensen and David Faraday were not isolated. They moved through Hogan High School, Pythian Castle, friends’ homes, family homes, and youth networks. Their evening was reconstructed because they were socially visible.

That visibility is not motive by itself.

But it is part of the victimology.

10. The Pythian youth field and same-day visibility

The same-day newspaper clipping that names Betty Lou Jensen in the Pythian Sunshine Girls context is extraordinary because of timing.

On December 20, 1968 — the day she was murdered — Betty Lou appeared in local print inside a formal youth-civic setting. Dave Faraday was also named among the installation escorts. This does not prove that the killer read the clipping, chose her because of it, or targeted the Pythian context.

But it does prove something meaningful:

The victims were publicly legible inside Vallejo’s youth-social world on the day of the murder.

That is enough to make the clipping a red pin.

The reports show the evening movement. The press clipping shows the public social world. The Pythian Castle context becomes a bridge between police chronology and public visibility.

This is exactly how CHS should work. The clipping is not forced into proof. It is preserved as a same-day public exposure document and tested against the broader social field.

Lake Herman Road was not only a place where two teenagers parked. It was the end point of a visible social day.

11. The evidence spine: .22, casings, bullets, and DOJ/CII caution

The physical evidence layer is often treated as if it should settle the case.

It does not.

But it does discipline the case.

The reports and DOJ/CII material identify a .22 weapon class, bullets, cartridge cases, Rambler damage, Betty Lou’s dress, and laboratory findings. The DOJ/CII report is especially important because it moves beyond local speculation into laboratory comparison.

The key weapon-class issue is the J.C. Higgins Model 80 .22 automatic pistol finding. The DOJ/CII language indicates that the evidence corresponded only with tests fired in J.C. Higgins Model 80 .22 automatic pistols available in their files, while also warning that this did not mean the responsible weapon must necessarily have been that exact model. The report is careful: conclusive identification would require the responsible weapon and might still be extremely difficult because of bullet condition and barrel characteristics.

This is crucial.

It means the evidence supports a weapon-class corridor. It does not give us the weapon. It does not give us the shooter. It does not, by itself, identify the killer.

The Sears, Roebuck distribution angle matters because J.C. Higgins was a Sears house brand. That opens a retail/distribution research path, but it should remain a path, not a conclusion. The article should say:

The DOJ/CII report points toward a J.C. Higgins Model 80 .22 automatic pistol class. The Sears distribution history is relevant for future tracing, but the responsible weapon was not recovered and conclusively identified.

That is the correct tone.

The pistol correction matters. A rifle creates one offender image: conspicuous, long-gun, hunting-coded, rural. A .22 automatic pistol creates another: concealable, mobile, close-range, and more consistent with later Zodiac handgun attacks. This does not prove continuity by itself, but it changes the atmosphere of the evidence.

The casing-count issue also belongs here. Early press accounts mention four casings and later additional recovery; police and DOJ materials provide a more complex evidence chain. Public researchers have emphasized the “ten shots” or possible missing/tenth casing problem. This is a legitimate research pressure point, but it must be handled with care.

The safe formulation:

The casing record contains enough complexity to justify caution, but not enough by itself to prove multiple weapons or multiple shooters.

Again: structured uncertainty.

12. The press record: uncertainty becomes narrative

The early newspapers are invaluable because they show how the case became public before it became Zodiac.

The press rapidly developed several frames:

No clues.

No robbery.

No sexual assault.

Jealousy or rejected suitor.

Friends questioned.

Rifle or .22 weapon language.

Shell casings.

Public appeals.

Funeral rites.

The loneliness of Lake Herman Road.

Some of these frames came from official information. Some came from incomplete early reporting. Some reflected headline pressure. Some were later complicated by the police record.

This means the press cannot be treated as final evidence. But it also cannot be ignored.

The press is where the murder entered public memory.

The December 26 appeal is especially important because investigators asked anyone who drove Lake Herman Road between 9:00 and 11:30 p.m. to come forward. This broad window confirms that police were not thinking only in the narrow fatal interval. They were trying to reconstruct an entire road environment.

The Dec. 23 omitted-paragraph correction about the earlier youth/sports-car incident shows another key truth: even the newspaper record was unstable. Details could be omitted, corrected, reframed, and redistributed. This matters because Zodiac later exploited precisely this kind of media circulation.

By the time the killer would write to newspapers in 1969, the lesson was already there:

Violence becomes durable when it enters print.

Lake Herman Road entered print before Zodiac entered print.

13. Public research and the timeline wars

The Lake Herman Road timeline has generated unusually intense public dispute.

This is understandable. The case is built from clocks, headlights, distances, road curves, witness estimates, vehicle positions, and physical evidence that never fully locks into place. Researchers have argued over James Owen, Stella Borges, Peggie and Homer Your, Helen Axe, Connelly and Gasser, Bingo Wesner, the white Impala, the red pickup, the weapon, and the casing count.

This volume does not enter personality conflict.

It does not attempt to adjudicate every public theory built from those documents. It does not treat message-board battles as evidence. It does not choose a faction.

Instead, it returns to the reports themselves.

The public disputes are useful because they reveal where the pressure points are. The reports are dense enough to generate competing models, but incomplete enough to resist premature closure. That is the exact condition CHS is built to study.

The rules are simple:

Public discourse identifies pressure points. Police and DOJ documents decide evidentiary weight.

That is how we respect prior work without being governed by it.

The timeline wars show where the pressure is.

They do not replace the archive.

14. What the reports prove

The Lake Herman Road reports prove several things strongly.

They prove that the scene was tied to the Benicia Water Pumping Station entrance.

They prove that the crime was initially framed as having no clear ordinary motive, with robbery and sexual assault not supported.

They prove that the witness sequence is crucial and compressed.

They prove that the road had multiple overlapping users: teenagers, workers, ranchers, hunters, residents, and passersby.

They prove that investigators seriously explored a local social-motive theory before Zodiac existed publicly.

They prove that the physical evidence involved .22 ammunition, casings, bullets, vehicle damage, and laboratory comparison.

They prove that the DOJ/CII report pointed toward a J.C. Higgins Model 80 .22 automatic pistol class while refusing final weapon identification.

They prove that the press rapidly transformed the murder into public narrative.

They prove that the first canonical Zodiac scene was not empty.

15. What the reports do not prove

The reports do not prove the killer’s identity.

They do not prove whether the killer was local, semi-local, or passing through.

They do not prove that the same-day Betty Lou Jensen clipping was used by the offender.

They do not prove that the infrastructure corridor was selected intentionally.

They do not prove a second shooter.

They do not prove a specific vehicle as the killer’s car.

They do not prove that every public reconstruction of the timeline is wrong or right.

They do not prove motive.

They do not settle whether consolidation or separation is the better model for all vehicle sightings.

That is why the reports must be read with both seriousness and restraint.

The police reports are not a solution. They are the foundation on which any responsible solution must stand.

16. The structured field of uncertainty

What emerges from the reports is not chaos.

It is a field.

At the center are David Faraday and Betty Lou Jensen.

Around them is the Rambler, the pump-station entrance, the bodies, the casings, and the blood.

Around that is the witness clock: Axe, Your, Owen, Borges.

Around that is the vehicle field: Rambler, second car, Impala, red pickup, dark car, sports car, possible blue or foreign car.

Around that is the road ecology: ranches, hunters, pipe workers, Humble Oil, construction, families, gates, animals, workers, headlights.

Around that is the social field: Hogan High, Pythian Castle, friends, family, Ricky Burton, notes, rumors, dances, concerts, local youth.

Around that is the public field: newspapers, appeals, funeral rites, no-clue headlines, jealousy headlines, casing reports, and later Zodiac memory.

The reports do not collapse these rings into one answer.

They preserve them as rings.

That is their value.

Lake Herman Road is not just a murder site. It is a layered documentary field in which violence, geography, infrastructure, routine, and media first converge.

Vol. 1 argued that the scene was the system before the name.

Vol. 2 shows that the system is already visible in the reports.

The reports show a rural road, yes.

But they also show a pumping station, construction work, industrial traffic, ranch activity, youth networks, newspaper visibility, weapon uncertainty, and time pressure.

They show a killer operating in a narrow window but inside a broad field.

They show a crime that was physically brief but structurally dense.

They show why Lake Herman Road cannot be reduced to “two teenagers at a lovers’ lane.”

That shorthand is not only incomplete. It is misleading.

The first canonical Zodiac scene was a road where multiple worlds crossed: adolescent privacy, rural labor, industrial expansion, civic memory, and public fear. The killer entered that crossing, acted quickly, and vanished into the uncertainty produced by the very systems around him.

That is the first lesson of the reports.

Not certainty. Structure.

17. Closing: before the myth

The myth begins later.

The name comes later.

The cipher comes later.

The boast comes later.

The costume comes later.

The shirt pieces come later.

The public authorship comes later.

At Lake Herman Road, there is no Zodiac yet.

There is only the act and the record.

The reports are the first attempt to make the act legible. They are imperfect, incomplete, sometimes contradictory, and deeply human. They contain errors, estimates, corrections, and unanswered questions. But they also contain the only serious ground on which the case can be rebuilt.

To read them carefully is to see the first canonical scene before the mask hardened.

A road.

A pump station.

A car.

Two young people.

A short window.

A field of witnesses.

A weapon class.

A social rumor.

A public appeal.

A community in shock.

And beneath it all, the same truth Vol. 1 established:

Lake Herman Road was not empty.

It was structured.

The killer did not create the system.

He entered it.

And only later did he give it a name.

May 5, 2026

SDS

PS. Police report material referenced in this series derives from the Solano County Sheriff’s Office / Benicia Police Department files made publicly available through Tom Voigt’s ZodiacKiller.com archive [1], with additional newspaper and document research by the author.

Acknowledgment

The author gratefully acknowledges Tom Voigt for making the Lake Herman Road documentation publicly accessible through ZodiacKiller.com. Without that archival work, this kind of report-based analysis would not be possible.

The author also warmly thanks Soze and Druzer for their own independent meticulous research, continuous support, thoughtful discussion, and meaningful contributions.

Further acknowledgment is extended to Richard Grinell, Ray Grant, Mike Morford, Cragle, and Gorillatrain for their independent work on the Lake Herman Road murders, regardless of areas of agreement or disagreement. Their efforts form part of the broader public research field within which this volume is written.

References

[1] https://zodiackiller.com/FaradayJensen.html

[2] https://www.zodiacciphers.com/zodiac-news/the-impasse-on-lake-herman-road